Wednesday, 18 July 2012

To Michael Gove: Free schools? Yes. But free thinkers too please.

Prologue - Education from my perspective

First, a bit of disclosure. I went to two state primary schools (one in rural Fife, another in the suburbs of Aberdeen). I then moved to an independent (fee-paying, academically selective, coeducational) secondary school (also in Aberdeen). My (completely anecdotal) experience of state and non-state provision was that the independent sector was generally much more flexible to individual student needs, better disciplined, fostered a stronger sense of community and made much better provision for a range of extra-curricular activities for those who wished to pursue them.

I hazard all of the above with important caveats. I cannot say that my experience is necessarily typical, or that I am comparing like with like (primary v secondary). I would observe also that my experiences of rural state education was markedly better in most respects than at the suburban city primary, even though the former was, on reflection, far less well financially resourced. I would also point out that both state schools had some very good teachers, and the independent school some teachers that were frankly not. What I would say, though, is that my own experiences of a fairly broad range of education have left me relatively ideologically unattached to the idea of the state as the dominant force in education, and sympathetic to ways of bringing what works from the independent sector, where possible, to a wider audience.

It should, of course, be recognised that fees and the funding discrepancy across sectors is not insignificant. The cost of the 6 years of my secondary education would have been more than £10kpa in today's money. Private education is not cheap, and as far as fees go in both Scotland and England, this is pretty much the floor, rather than the ceiling. This compares to an average spend of £6.2k per pupil in England's state sector (2009-10), and an average spend of £6.65k per pupil in Scotland (2008-09). This additional expense (without rebate for not using the state sector) puts private educational provision ahead in terms of resources and facilities, but also puts it out of the reach of many families from otherwise reasonably comfortable backgrounds.

Parallels with a Minister

Indeed if it wasn't for an extensive bursary scheme, I could not have gone to my independent secondary school. I was the beneficiary of an organisation set up to widen access to one of the highest performing schools in Scotland. I was not the only one. By coincidence, the independent secondary school I attended was also attended by a certain Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove. He too relied on assistance of this kind to be able to access independent education.

Almost regardless of political persuasion, people have looked to the independent sector to see how state schooling might be improved. We've seen numerous approaches tried and tested, from academically tiered local authority schools, to grant maintained schools, to academies and, yes, ultimately to free schools. The latter is an idea which is not alien to other countries, with the likes of Sweden and the USA having equivalents of state-funded but relatively administratively autonomous schools, given less stringent requirements to comply with in respect of the National Curriculum or equivalent document. Even in Scotland, the hyper-state-comprehensive nation, has an anomaly or two, including Jordanhill School in Glasgow, which is funded directly from central government and not subject to conventional local authority control.

For many liberals though, Michael Gove, in his Education brief, has proved infuriating and intriguing in wildly varying measures. One the one hand, he talks the talk on academies and free schools, forcefully arguing that they provide a credible alternative for those who are not satisfied with the alternative provision. All too often the state education system is seen as increasingly centralised and bureaucratic, either to the local authority or to central government itself. The freedom to innovate and come up with new, more interesting and effective ways of teaching young people skills is stifled by an overly prescriptive National Curriculum and an obsession with teaching to the test in a way which only serves to promote mediocrity. His expansion of the academies scheme and introduction of free schools has served to challenge an educational establishment which has otherwise become too comfortable with its pre-existing structures.

Gove's (religious) conservative streak

On the other hand, Gove has courted some of the most blindingly idiotic (if not *that* significant) policies of this government that remind you why he's a Tory and not a bona fide liberal reformer. First there was that infamous vanity project in which he sought to deliver a King James Bible to every English primary and secondary school under the disingenuous guise of its "contribution to our language and our democracy". But now this has been supplemented by the approval of three free schools by organisations which hold creationism to be scientific fact and have stated their intent to teach it as such.


Case for the defence

Now some may (correctly) point out that religious organisations already run a lot of schools. The Church of England run a considerable number, and in Scotland a great number of state schools are designated Roman Catholic. Even our notionally "non-denominational" schools typically have a Church of Scotland minister attached to them as a chaplain. So in some respects the Department of Education's decision to allow these groups to open schools is only an extension of the status quo. Indeed the official Department of Education advice specifically states that they "do not expect creationism, intelligent design and similar ideas to be taught as valid scientific theories in any state funded school." Indeed none of these groups maintain that they will teach creationism/ID in the science classroom as alternatives to evolution.

Creationism, Faith Schooling, and the State

However, there are principally two problems with this. The first is that an education is not compartmentalised. Just because a non-evolutionary theory is being taught as fact in an RE class or an assembly, does not mean that it somehow exists in an immunised bubble from what pupils learn in the biology or chemistry lab. Something that is science fiction (and let us be clear, creationism is every bit as science fiction as Star Wars) is being propagated as an institutionally recognised truth to impressionable young people at the same time as they are being introduced to ideas of scepticism, the scientific method, and testing assertions against an evidential burden.

By sending mixed messages under the big tent of a school, you are saying that contradictory claims are simultaneously true, or worse still harming their ability to rationalise and develop critical thought in their approach to their academic studies. A less scientifically literate population is more likely to hold on to these palpably ridiculous ideas like that the world is 6000 years old. They are even going to be less likely to develop critical approaches to present scientific paradigms, slowing human progress by leaving society to waste its energies on a battle long since resolved for just about anyone who has paid any attention.

But actually, the greater harm isn't creationism in schools. It is the reality that state funding for schools run by or with involvement from religious groups is tacit institutional approval of their belief system and a licence to proselytise the impressionable. When the state lets the Church of England run a school or the Scottish education system assigns a Church of Scotland parish minister to a school, or designates a state school as a Roman Catholic one, or when the state provides funding to an educational establishment pushing creationism over and above other belief systems, it is saying something important.

It is not, as others have suggested to me, simply saying that parents have the right to choose a school for their children, which educates in accordance with their beliefs (and to be clear, it IS the parents' beliefs). It is saying that these people have a right to insist that the general taxpayer (including atheists, agnostics, ignostics, theists of other creeds etc) contribute towards, and facilitate the goals of that organisation. This is not morally acceptable. Religion is rightly a matter of deep personal sincerity and importance and no one should interfere with your right to hold your beliefs and to live your life in adherence to them (so long as it doesn't harm others). But it is precisely because of this that we should not allow free schools to become a back-door for religious organisations to take state money.

The purpose of state education is to provide a minimum standard of teaching, according to established criteria of critical thinking and skills development. There are different ways to achieve that, and free schools definitely provide an opportunity to set-up competing modes of teaching and learning environments to help the state sector work out which ones are most popular and which ones are less effective. Genuine competition on quality of provision does improve standards and could help shift power from educational institutions to parents, teachers and pupils themselves.

State education does NOT exist to maximise the capacity for parents to have their beliefs approved of and institutionally normalised around their children so as to make them more likely to accept those beliefs in later life. There are other ways these views can be communicated to their children, through out-of-school education within religious communities, or even, "God forbid", by the setting up of a religious independent school. If these organisations truly have a demand for such faith-based schooling, there is no good reason why they need state approval or support to set-up schools with wide access, including through philanthropy for those who could not afford any "fees".

Now I'm not saying that I'd personally approve of private faith-based schools; I'd hold them in as much contempt for a degree of indoctrination of the impressionable just like a state school. But at least they don't have anything like the same degree of institutional approval or endorsement. They would live and die on their merits; not muddle by regardless on their government block grant.

Religion and education were historically linked, and no one is denying that religious orders were important in the development of the idea of education as a public good. But we are not a Christian country any more. We are not a religious country any more. We live in an increasingly secular society and our state has to reflect that. Our values are not as reliant on our religious history as we once thought it was and most of the religious institutions in our society are playing perpetual catch-up with society's attitudes. It is despite rather than because of their institutional privilege that we have changed our views on homosexuality, women's rights, abortion and many other issues besides.

It wouldn't be a post this long without a reference to The West Wing, so I'll finish by paraphrasing the views of the irreligious Republican Senator Arnold Vinick of California:
Our state education system can teach our children many things from science to the humanities and the arts, but if you want to teach your child about religion, please... go to church.

Thursday, 21 June 2012

In (partial) defence of the Pasty Tax



In the last few weeks we've seen the Pandora's box of national tax policy rear its ugly head again. In a couple of posts, one tonight and one tomorrow, I intend to address three issues. First there was the u-turn on what is now better known by its twitter hashtag "#pastytax", then stories of, among other things, a number of high-net-worth French citizens considering moving to the UK in response to the Eurozone's economic climate and tax policies of Francois Hollande. Finally, we've had the hysteria, hyperbole and hypocrisy abound when it was revealed that Jimmy Carr had been exploiting the K2 EBT tax loophole.

It seems as though, in this country and further afield, tax policy is no longer about what constitutes simple and sound economics for effective provision of public services and more and more about what particular stakeholders think others should be forced to pay. It creates a particularly pernicious form of corporatism, based on warped conceptions of fairness that are utterly impossible to pin down and harder still to give effect to by any sort of state mechanism whatsoever.

Take Pasty Tax. This is just the tip of the iceberg in a very messy way we, and the rest of the EU, attempt to tax consumption of goods and services. To retain high revenue while protecting the poorest from potentially regressive effects, we create exceptions. For example, we decided that residential energy provision would attract a reduced rate of 5%.

We also created an exception for food and drink, because that accounts for a significant part of family budgets, especially for low earners. But then we recognised that not all food and drink are essential in this way. So we created exceptions to the exemption. Alcohol was considered non-essential, as was chocolate, and catered food. The rationale behind the latter-most was you're not just being given a good, but a supplementary service. Either you were served food in an eating establishment or had food heated up for near immediate convenient consumption elsewhere that could not otherwise be consumed.

On its own, each rule makes some degree of sense. The problem is, it creates a culture of exceptionalism and with it perceptions of arbitrariness. Whether it's Jaffa Cakes claiming exception from VAT because they harden rather than soften when they go stale (meaning they're not a chocolate biscuit), or bakeries claiming exemption for their goods because they aren't necessarily sustained above ambient temperature right up to the point of sale, we get people trying to carve out their own little privileged position. And because of lobbying and special interests, we end up with absurd positions where a bacon roll gets charged VAT but a pasty doesn't.

And who benefits from this convenient little exemption? Not the poor. The prices of catered food are already punitive for them because of business rates and profit margins, especially for small firms. No. The real beneficiaries are Greggs. In what must have been one of the most successful instances of corporatist lobbying since Bernie Ecclestone's tobacco advertising exemption for Formula 1, they've been given a state sponsored piece of special privilege that shuts out competition from caterers of other foodstuffs. And what does that do for healthy eating among the low-earners? It leaves Glasgow with about 8-10 Greggs within a 2 mile radius of each other, entrenching a culture of heart disease and obesity.

But let's be clear, it's not Greggs' fault that our politicians are fickle, that our public consciousness is so bound up in the notion of vested interests as a good thing. It's not their fault that political lobbyists crowd around a special case like Cornish Pasties, undermining the cause of free trade that has otherwise served Europe so well. But make no mistake: their tears hail from a corporate crocodile and there's more out there ready to bite the electorate that feeds them.

The lesson of Pasty Tax is not that of a vindictive government looking to screw the Northern poor. It's about a feckless government riddled with decades of vested interest and completely unable or unwilling to defend the basic principles underpinning its own tax system. If you're going to tax hot food you have to tax it all. The "whatabout" exceptionalist and corporatist mentality is precisely what has made our tax code one of the longest, most convoluted, and inefficient instruments of government design in the world.

One of the biggest arguments for sales taxes is how easy they are to operate. We've even negated even that.

Saturday, 26 May 2012

Nozick, Hayek and a little dose of Kant


Having initially been quite enthusiastic for Robert Nozick's ideas in Anarchy, State and Utopia, the prospect of taking a politics course at University focusing on precisely the issues of fairness, the role of the state and the justifications for equality (on different levels) was something I really looked forward to. I was surprised then, to come to the conclusion that I'd been somewhat too keen on Nozick's ideas, with which there are a number of obvious problems. I found particular difficulties reconciling Nozick's jump between a Kantian notion of the rational agent and self-ownership. Though largely a sceptic of utilitarian-type arguments, it certainly left me feeling more receptive towards the pragmatic justifications for an emphasis on the individual in society like those posited by Hayek.

Being at Glasgow University I didn't expect an environment to be receptive to libertarian ideas, but all things considered, discussion was far more constructive than one might expect. There were a few moments where I simply switched off (such as when someone suggested that the Poll Tax brought down the last Conservative government even though they, you know, won again in 1992) but the level of critical engagement, rather than simply fawning hysteria you come to anticipate was pleasing.

I'll probably refine my thoughts on this over the summer and beyond, but if you want to see my initial thoughts, you can find them in the link below:

Click Here

Thursday, 24 May 2012

Here Comes the Summer

It's been quite a while since my last post, but now the exams are out the way, third-year is done and the summer weather is here! Plenty news and much to look forward to.

First up I managed to secure a placement at a law firm in Aberdeen over the summer. Having fired off countless applications for summer work it was brilliant to be able to secure something. I was hoping to find something for a fortnight or so but really struck lucky as this placement will run for six weeks and it's being paid to boot.

Not long after that's over I'll be heading off to Belgrade to take part in the European Universities Debating Championships. I eventually got involved in Uni debating this year and wish I'd done so much sooner. After a couple of competitions and internal trials I secured my place and will be debating with Michael Gray (@GrayInGlasgow) who's a smart lad and great lateral thinker. He's also somewhat a perennial blogger on all things Scotland, including on the important constitutional and social questions facing us. Take a look here. In any case it will be an adventure heading to Serbia and with the GUU funding our teams there'll be more Serbian dinars for refreshments...

As soon as I get back from Serbia I'll be going straight into a two week placement at the Law Department of the Church of Scotland in Edinburgh. I did a school work experience placement shadowing a few people with the General Trustees a few years ago so it will be good to go back in a more active capacity.

So that's what I've got lined up for the summer. It will be busy but looking forward to it.

Wednesday, 25 January 2012

Response to Scottish Government consultation on Independence Referendum

As with the UK Government's Consultation, I have responded to the Scottish Government's Consultation on the Independence Referendum and suggest you do the same:

To whom it concerns,

I enclose my response to the questions raised in the Scottish Government's Consultation Paper on the Independence Referendum. I draw particular attention to my recommendations in respect of the franchise and the need for a public and legally clear second question so as best to make clear independence takes primacy in the event of a double-Yes vote,

Regards

Graeme Cowie

Q1: What are your views on the referendum question and the design of the ballot paper?

A:
The question is straight-forward and accessible. I'd rather the paper properly addressed the mechanics of a second question (to put that issue to bed once and for all) instead of vaguely mentioning that it could be added if there was a call for it. I disagree with the Scottish Government's view that, per para 1.5 the question could circumvent s29 and Schedule 5 of the Scotland Act in the event a s30 order or extension of power by Act of Parliament was not forthcoming.

Q2: What are your views on the proposed timetable and voting arrangements?

A:
They are satisfactory.

Q3: What are your views on the inclusion of a second question in the referendum and the voting system that could be used?

A:
I believe a second question asking "notwithstanding your response to Q1 should the powers of the Scottish Parliament should be extended to include full tax-raising powers and other competences which are presently reserved matters" or words to that effect, should be on the ballot paper. As a Liberal Democrat, I have urged my party to work with the Scottish Government to define the parameters of this third option and I would hope that a bit of give and take would be forthcoming on both sides. The first question on the ballot, contrary to the original Referendum Bill in the last Parliament, should be the independence and not the extra-powers question. This leaves the voter in no doubt whatsoever that the primary issue at stake is independence and that devo-max is a related but alternative proposition that will only come into play if the first question results in a No vote.

As a word of caution, I would avoid using "but remaining with the UK" or any reference to such in the second question, because it makes the propositions not merely related alternatives but mutually exclusive propositions. This should remove any pretence of uncertainty with reference to what has been dubbed "Rennie's Riddle".

Q4: What are your views on the proposal to give the Electoral Management Board and its Convener responsibility for the operational management of the referendum?

A:
I am content with these propositions. It is a welcome development that the SNP has disposed of its proposal for a separate Referendum Commission, which would have been an unnecessary complication, not terribly expedient, and would have shown a disregard for the good, independent, and impartial work of the Electoral Commission in both UK-wide and devolved referenda.

Q5: What are your views on the proposed division of roles between the Electoral Management Board and the Electoral Commission?

A:
No objections.

Q6: What are your views on the idea that the referendum could be held on a Saturday or on other ways which would make voting easier?

A:
I see no compelling reason to hold it on a Saturday. By Autumn 2014 the football season will have gotten well under-way and many fans will be quite far away from their polling station in any case. The standard mid-week position is one that should be adopted. I don't see any great need to change the existing polling location arrangements either. That's a matter for the local authorities' Election Boards.

Q7: What are your views on extending the franchise to those aged 16 and 17 years who are eligible to be registered on the electoral register?

A:
I wholeheartedly agree with the principle of votes at 16. I cannot, however, agree with the mechanism the SNP has described. There are severe legitimacy issues when it comes to an ad hoc reduction of the franchise as part of the same Act of Scottish Parliament that provides for a one-off plebiscite. Further, the manner and form of registration on the Electoral Roll for 16 and 17 year-olds is inexact and the cut-off would not be as clear (with some 16 year-olds being eligible to go on the roll and others not). The reason this group are registered on the roll at all is to guarantee that they will be on the roll by the time they are eligible to vote at 18. It comes across as incredibly ad hoc and doesn't further it for the right reasons in the constitutionally appropriate manner

If you are going to extend the franchise you have to do it properly and by separate Act of Parliament. I have a lot of sympathy for the SNP in this area since both the Gould Report and Calman Commission supported the devolution of elections in Scotland to the Scottish Parliament. I would suggest that the Scottish Government issue a specific request to be given the power to set the franchise in Scottish Parliamentary and local elections, and by extension any referendums held in Scotland only. Then they could introduce a Representation of the People (Scotland) Bill prior to the passage of the Referendum Bill into law, extending the franchise to 16 for all Scotland-only elections.

Q8: What are your views on the proposed spending limits?

A:
I see nothing objectionable.

Q9: Do you have any other comments about the proposals in the draft Referendum (Scotland) Bill?

A:
N/A