tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.comments2024-03-01T08:26:53.169+00:00Predictable ParadoxGraeme Cowiehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02704481523638679620noreply@blogger.comBlogger169125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-26182959956804919852024-02-29T03:22:50.141+00:002024-02-29T03:22:50.141+00:00Thanks for sharing such a good post, its very help...Thanks for sharing such a good post, its very helpful.<br /><a href="" rel="nofollow">best hotel management</a><br /><a href="" rel="nofollow">hospitality courses in mumbai</a>bhaktiaminhttps://www.blogger.com/profile/09896148645914468735noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-88298491092403946362024-02-28T07:47:15.642+00:002024-02-28T07:47:15.642+00:00I am continually amazed by the amount of informati...I am continually amazed by the amount of information available on this subject.What you presented was well researched and well worded in order to get your stand on this across to all your readers. <a href="https://www.marlonk.com/" rel="nofollow">bentengtogel</a><br />Anonymousnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-62827795749640540552023-11-18T05:56:53.647+00:002023-11-18T05:56:53.647+00:00Thе Scotland Act 2012 markеd a pivotal shift in Ho...Thе Scotland Act 2012 markеd a pivotal shift in Holyrood's tax powеrs. 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Two points if I...Thanks Graeme, very interesting. <br /><br />Two points if I may. First, this underlines yet again the urgent need for a codification of the UK constitution to ensure that the rules of the game are agreed and understood. <br /><br />Second, as a passionate Remainer, I think Brexit is the biggest disaster the UK has had since WW2. But it is not correct to characterise it as secession, becuase the EU is not a state. Instead, Brexit is the UK withdrawing from a supranational intergovernmental organisation that has limited and strictly defined international legal personality and competence. Toby's Random Musingshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/01756931810010547397noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-72275508598324700612017-09-17T20:43:49.445+01:002017-09-17T20:43:49.445+01:00Thanks Graeme, very interesting.
Two points if I...Thanks Graeme, very interesting. <br /><br />Two points if I may. First, this underlines yet again the urgent need for a codification of the UK constitution to ensure that the rules of the game are agreed and understood. <br /><br />Second, as a passionate Remainer, I think Brexit is the biggest disaster the UK has had since WW2. But it is not correct to characterise it as secession, becuase the EU is not a state. Instead, Brexit is the UK withdrawing from a supranational intergovernmental organisation that has limited and strictly defined international legal personality and competence. Toby's Random Musingshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/01756931810010547397noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-4364819364152542842017-06-20T18:24:04.256+01:002017-06-20T18:24:04.256+01:00It is potentially a contempt of parliament to issu...It is potentially a contempt of parliament to issue the proceedings as they relate to proceedings in parliament and are covered by Article IX of the Bill of Rights.John Hemminghttps://www.blogger.com/profile/16563623241172913378noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-20520642496613447372017-03-17T17:45:32.233+00:002017-03-17T17:45:32.233+00:00The holding of a referendum is, constitutionally, ...The holding of a referendum is, constitutionally, distinct from what the consequences of its result should be. In a strict legal sense, no one is bound to give effect to the result of any referendum in the United Kingdom, unless legislation specifically requires them to take steps to implement it. It was merely a mutual political understanding in 2014 that saw both governments proceed on the basis that only a simple majority of voters should be sufficient to give rise to negotiations to secede.<br /><br />Politically, there are problems with threshold requirements. You may recall for instance, in the 1979 Scottish devolution referendum, a 40% of registered voters threshold was imposed as a condition of devolution being brought into effect. Although a majority of voters supported devolution that time, the turnout-based threshold was not met. In that case, the Scotland Act 1978, which had legislated pre-emptively for the devolution settlement, was therefore not brought into effect. This was widely seen as "frustrating the will of the people" and was not repeated in 1997. However, the vote for a Scottish Parliament would have met that threshold in that instance anyway.<br /><br />Other countries obviously have higher thresholds when dealing with referendums. When they are "ratifying" referendums for e.g. constitutional amendments, they are already codified into law and so it is legally impossible to circumvent them. However in the case of independence or secession referendums, there is no "prior" threshold in law, and normally the details of secession have not been pre-negotiated. This means that these referendums are not normally legally binding in any sense and have no legal effects on their own.<br /><br />In Canada, they have sought pre-emptively to use threshold requirements to restrict the legal power of the Canadian Government to enter into negotiations to give effect to the secession of a province. Under the Clarity Act, there must be a "clear majority" in favour of secession. This is not the same as a "simple majority", but they do not define what a "clear majority" is. It is left to the House of Commons of Canada to determine for themselves in the individual circumstances whether or not a majority was in fact "clear". This might mean a "simple" majority is enough, as Quebec secessionists argued, but it might not. It is ultimately for Canada's lower house to decide whether or not a clear mandate exists to authorise secession negotiations.<br /><br />It would, I think, be difficult under the current arrangements and political conditions to impose an additional thresholds or requirements, because of the 1979 situation. However, my own view is that if a freestanding right to hold an independence referendum were permanently conferred on the Scottish Parliament, it might be viable to insist on those kinds of restraint.<br /><br />I have suggested in my thesis and elsewhere, for example, that you might insist on (a) minimum waiting periods between referendums and/or (b) some form of higher threshold if a second referendum is held in quick succession after the first. Designing a formula by which this would work would not be easy, but nor would it be impossible. You might use a similar approach to the Canadian Clarity Act in that instance, to require a government not to enter into negotiations if a threshold is not met, to give them discretion if a higher threshold is not met, and/or to require them to enter into negotiations if a higher threshold is met.Graeme Cowiehttps://www.blogger.com/profile/02704481523638679620noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-44490898702203532522017-03-17T09:09:04.121+00:002017-03-17T09:09:04.121+00:00How feasible would it be for there to be an insist...How feasible would it be for there to be an insistence on, say, a majority of eligible voters rather than turnout?Nickhttps://www.blogger.com/profile/15149164983540335996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-84324762271376825082017-02-13T18:37:44.091+00:002017-02-13T18:37:44.091+00:00I should add to clarify:
Head B3 was amended by a...I should add to clarify:<br /><br />Head B3 was amended by a series of s30 Orders, in order to allow the Scottish Parliament to lower the franchise before the 2016 elections, despite the fact that the Scotland Act 2016 had not yet passed.<br /><br />This is why s3(4)(a) of the Scotland Act 2016 says:<br /><br />"Omit the words from “The franchise at local government elections” to the end of the Exceptions" rather than just "Omit the words "The franchise at local government elections".<br /><br />The temporary powers granted were more specific and restricted to things like lowering the voting age. The 2016 Act's provisions, however, on coming into force, give the Scottish Parliament complete freedom over its franchise, subject to other restrictions like its requirement that legislation is compatible with Convention rights and EU law.Graeme Cowiehttps://www.blogger.com/profile/02704481523638679620noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4824688363128407673.post-17967005585299117312017-02-13T18:16:03.036+00:002017-02-13T18:16:03.036+00:00You have misinterpreted what the Scotland Act 2016...You have misinterpreted what the Scotland Act 2016 does.<br /><br />When the Scotland Act 1998 was enacted, Schedule 5 Head B3 did, broadly speaking, two things:<br /><br />1. Prohibit the Scottish Parliament from legislating in relation to elections to the Westminster, European and Scottish Parliaments, and the legislation that regulates them<br /><br />2. Altering the franchise for local authority elections<br /><br />Notice that under s11 Scotland Act 1998, the franchise for Holyrood is defined with direct reference to the franchise for local authority elections. So if 2. had not been reserved, the Scottish Parliament would have been able, indirectly, to change its own franchise.<br /><br />s3(3) of the Scotland Act 2016 changes the first part, by removing restrictions on legislating in relation to Scottish Parliamentary elections.<br /><br />s3(4) of the Scotland Act 2016 changes the second part. It removes this second restriction, namely "the franchise at local government elections". This gives effect to the Smith Commission's commitment that the Scottish Parliament gets to set its own franchise and those of local elections.<br /><br />What follows after is not a restriction on the franchise. It is a restriction on how the Scottish Parliament exercises its powers in relation to its and local government Elections.<br /><br />Section 3(4)(a) prohibits the Scottish Parliament from legislating to combine a poll that falls outside of its legislative competence with any other election: i.e. to make arrangements to have them held on the same day. This is to stop the Parliament from shifting its own or local authority elections in order to influence the result of a referendum (on whatever issue) that they themselves did not have the power to call. An example of this might be if the UK Government holds a referendum on the Brexit deal and it could be shown that such a referendum was not within the Scottish Parliament's competence, Holyrood would not be allowed to move its own election to the same day.<br /><br />The use of this phrase "the combination of polls" also appears in s12A of the Scotland Act 2016. This provision gives the Secretary of State for Scotland the power to make provision about holding Scottish Parliamentary elections, by-elections etc on the same day as other UK elections that don't fall under the Scottish Parliament's control. The reservation exists in part to stop the Scottish Parliament overriding the function of the Secretary of State.<br /><br />That part of the Scotland Act 2016 does not place any restriction on the franchise of any referendum. If a referendum is outwith the competence of the Parliament it is not allowed to hold it anyway, let alone set a franchise in relation to it.<br /><br />The setting of the franchise for a referendum held by the Scottish Parliament is a matter for the Scottish Parliament except to the extent that specific legal provisions restrict their legislative competence. Last time the UK Government placed no restrictions on the franchise in their s30 Order and it would be a highly dangerous approach were they to impose such restrictions this time. Clearly they have the legal power to do this, because Westminster is a sovereign legislature, but that is not the same as saying that they will insist on setting the franchise rather than letting Holyrood do it themselves.<br /><br />The position would be even less tenable now than it was then to impose a restriction, because the Scottish Parliament has assumed more control over the franchise in plebiscites taking place only in Scotland since the 2014 referendum. The issue isn't one of substance, but of process. The reason the Tories excluded EU nationals from the EU referendum was because they maintained the franchise should be whatever the Westminster franchise was. It was a question of consistency, not withdrawal of rights.Graeme Cowiehttps://www.blogger.com/profile/02704481523638679620noreply@blogger.com